4 Paragraph:
5The Ukrainian consular service holds active negotia tions on consular
problems and exchanges experi ence with similar foreign services. This
work is car ried out, in particular, with the purpose of _____________
__________________________ of reciprocal voy ages of citizens and creating
favorable conditions for free movement of goods, services and capital.
5 Paragraph:
4. Go back to exercises 1 and 2. Can you answer the questions now?
5. Find in the text the words meaning:
1. Консульське управління; 2. Управління консульсько-правового за-
безпечення; 3. Департамент консульської служби; 4. реалізація наці-
ональних інтересів України; 5. консульська сфера; 6. забезпечення за-
хисту конституційних прав громадян та юридичних осіб; 7. під час пе-
ребування за кордоном; 8. координувати роботу консульських установ;
9. позаштатний (почесний) консул; 10. представництва МЗС у регіонах;
11. питання, які стосуються консульської сфери; 12. почесне консуль-
ство; 13. формувати концепцію; 14. міграційно-візова політика; 15. в
контексті євроінтеграційного курсу; 16. ключові питання; 17. недопу-
щення відчуження державного майна України; 18. забезпечення захисту
екіпажів українських морських та повітряних суден в іноземних портах;
19. звільнення суден з-під арешту; 20. надання екстреної допомоги у ре-
патріації моряків; 21. вживати заходи; 22. з метою розв’язання; 23. кри-
зові ситуації, в яких опиняються українські громадяни за кордоном;
24. забезпечувати роботу; 25. оформленню віз іноземним громадянам;
26. розгляд клопотань з питань громадянства; 27. видача паспортів;
легалізація документів; 28. вчинення нотаріальних дій та з реєстрації
актів громадянського стану; 29. вести активний переговорний процес;
30. консульська проблематика; 31. обмін досвідом; 32. аналогічні служ-
би зарубіжних держав; 33. збереження максимально спрощеного по-
рядку взаємних поїздок громадян; 34. створення сприятливих умов для
вільного пересування товарів, послуг та капіталів.
6. Fill in the blanks in the sentences below with the English equivalents
of the words and word-combinations from exercise 5.
1. The Directorate General for __________ Service works to provide for
Ukraine’s national __________ in the consular sphere. 2. The Directorate
__________ for Consular Service protects __________rights of Ukrainian
citi zens and legal __________during their stay abroad. 3. The Directorate
General for Consular __________ coordinates the performance of Ukrainian
__________missions and non-staff (__________) consuls of Ukraine
abroad. 4. The __________ General for Consular Service also supervises
the work of MFA missions to __________ in __________ sphere. 5. There
are more than 90 __________ missions of Ukraine abroad. 6. There are also
about 50 __________ consular missions of Ukraine abroad. 7. The Directorate
General __________ Consular Service devel ops the concept of the
__________ and visa policy in the context of Ukraine ‘s ambition toward
European __________. 8. The Directorate General for __________Service
consists of the __________ Department and the Department of Consu lar and
__________Support. 9. The key __________the Ukrainian consular service
deals with include preventing __________of Ukraine’s state property, ensuring
__________of Ukrainian ship and aircraft __________at foreign ports, releasing ships from __________, rendering urgent assistance in ___
_______of seamen. 10. It also takes measures aimed at settle ment of crisis
situations in which Ukrainian nationals find themselves abroad. 11. The
Directorate __________ for Consular Service and Ukrainian consular _
_________abroad issue visas to __________nationals, consider _______
___ con cerning citizenship, __________ passports, legalize __________,
perform __________acts and acts relating to civil __________. 12. The
Ukrainian __________service negotia tes on consular problems and exchanges
__________ with similar foreign __________. 13. The purpose of
this work is to preserve __________procedures of __________ voy ages of
citizens and creating __________conditions for free __________ of goods,
services and capital.
7. Work in pairs. Reproduce the text on the Directorate General for
Consular Service to your partner. Use the headlines below as the backbone
for your story.
0. The provision for Ukraine’s national in terests abroad
1. Coordination of MFA’s consular activities
2. Developing the concept of migration and visa policy
3. The key issues being resolved by the Ukrainian consular service
4. The kinds of work the Directorate General and Ukrainian consular
missions do
5. The purpose of the work by the Directorate General
9A. Read the interview of Marek ZIOLKOWSKI, Polish Foreign Minister
(adapted from the interview by Oleh IVANTSOV, Serhiy SOLODKY,
Vitaly KNIAZHANSKY, Varvara ZHLUKTENKO in The Day of
March 16, 2004), and answer the following questions:
1. Ukraine and Poland are strategic partners that quite actively cooperate
in various spheres. Considering Poland’s NATO membership, we
would like to broach the issue of defense. Ukraine has done much in the
way of Euro-Atlantic integration, which has been repeatedly stressed in
Brussels. Kyiv wants to advance its cooperation with the alliance to the
Membership Action Plan format at the upcoming Istanbul Summit. What
should Ukraine do to fulfill its partners’ expectations?
2. Will the Warsaw conference defense ministers of NATO members and
Ukraine become a sort of decisive hour, when the decision on Ukraine
will be prepared?
3. NATO members are now discussing a joint stance. Word has it that Germany
and Holland are convinced that it is much too early for Ukraine
to move to a Membership Action Plan and that the level of annual target
plans is sufficiently high. Simultaneously, Poland, the US, and Great
Britain seem to feel more positive about increasing the level of Ukraine’s
cooperation with the alliance. Does the Polish Foreign Minister confirm
or deny this? And why exactly such groups of countries?
4. What is the Polish Foreign Minister’ assessment of the role of the Ukrainian
peacekeeping force and the level of Ukraine’s cooperation with
Poland in Iraq?
5. Poland has helped Ukraine on the Odesa-Brody issue. Its policy has
been friendly and encouraged Kyiv to implement this project in the direction
of Europe one step at a time. Now Ukraine has approved the
decision on the forward operation of the pipeline. Is Poland absolutely
certain that this decision will be implemented in Ukraine? How deep is
Poland’s involvement in this project? In what way will Poland participate
in building the pipeline all the way to Plock?
6. “Will Poland’s Pern Concern participate in the consortium to operate
the oil pipeline if Ukraine decides to create one?”
7. Time is needed to develop a business plan and attract investment for the
Odesa-Brody project. Can the supporters of back-pumping might use
this delay and continue pressuring the Ukrainian government to reverse
the oil flow?
8. What will be Poland’s specific steps in the way of contracts for the reconstruction
of Iraq? What kind of cooperation with Ukraine is possible
in this respect?
9. Does the Industrial Union of the Donbas still have a chance in the controversial
privatization issue in Poland?
10. What kind of cooperation aside from military cooperation is possible
between Ukraine and Poland in Iraq?
11. What do Polish businessmen in Ukraine complain about most?
A Special Partner
“In the past twelve or thirteen years we have managed to quite significantly
enhance Poland’s image in Ukraine. It is very important that in recent
years Ukrainians’ trust in Poland has increased to such a high level, which
no one could have dreamed of fifteen or twenty years ago. Now we would
like to show Poland in one year and in a more integrated way as a modern
European state. This is required for our strategic partnership and above all
for our peoples, so that Ukrainians and Poles could look at each other not
through the prism of history, which is also important, but above all through
the prism of modernity. The Year of Poland will see dozens of various events,
through which we would like to show the achievements of Polish composers
and theaters. Nearly fifteen economic exhibitions will be held. We
will also stage the Poland- 2004 national exhibition in Kharkiv. Moreover,
we will work actively at the regional level in terms of cooperation among
oblasts and wojewodstwos [a Polish administrative division corresponding
to a province]. We hope to attract Ukrainians’ attention to all these events.
Geographically, they will span all of Ukraine, east to west and north to
south. We hope that after all these events we will leave in Ukrainians’ mind
a mark of today’s Poland.”
NATO: SEARCH FOR A COMMON APPROACH
“You should look at the great experience of our cooperation with Ukraine
as part of NATO efforts. Ukraine is one of the most active countries that
cooperate with NATO. Yet a major discussion is underway in both NATO
and Ukraine concerning the Istanbul Summit. I’ve talked to representatives
of your country and NATO ambassadors. It appears there are as many concepts
of future cooperation as there are discussions. I assure you that even
Ukraine does not have a single concept. Ukraine and NATO are only beginning
to look for a common approach. Undoubtedly, cooperation might reach
the level of the Membership Action Plan or that of an intensified dialog. It
should not be ruled out that the current format of the Action Plan or the annual
target plans could be maintained. Incidentally, discussion is still underway
on the level of the Ukraine-NATO Commission session at the Istanbul
Summit. What should be taken into account? Above all, you must fulfill all
the domestic tasks required under the documents signed with NATO. Ukraine
is implementing its defense reform above all for itself and not someone
else. We are pleased that this reform is progressing very successfully. Yet
there are reservations concerning the fulfillment of the political preambles
of the Action Plan. We must know what level of fulfillment of the political
preambles we can expect from Ukraine. Thus far it is too early to speak of
the future result of Ukraine’s meeting with NATO at the Istanbul Summit. I
think it is important to discuss the events that will precede the Istanbul
Summit. Above all, the visit by the new NATO secretary general to Ukraine
this April will be decisive to some extent. Second, Poland has undertaken to
invite defense ministers of NATO members and Ukraine to a conference in
Warsaw this May, the same conference that was held in Washington last year
and Berlin the year before. We would like to exchange views at an informal
level. There are many possibilities but no single concept.”
“I would not call this conference a decisive hour. It just would be good to
find out where Ukraine stands in its dialog with NATO a month before the
Istanbul Summit. Recall the recent events when everything was decided in
the final hours before the 2002 Prague Summit. Now the atmosphere is completely
different, and there are no reasons to temporize.”
“There are no triangles or quadrangles. Discussion is underway both among
NATO ambassadors in Brussels and in Kyiv. There are no new axes, neither
old nor new Europe. There is no division, say, some countries treat Ukraine
more favorably than others. The search for a concept continues. And there
are more similar ideas than those you have mentioned, the first being the
maximum that Ukraine can achieve, meaning Membership Action Plan
status. Another concept is individual dialog. Yet another one, proceeding
from the Distinctive Partnership Charter signed six years ago, could be
termed as Special Partnership for Membership. This is a new format. Why
not give it a try? Then comes the minimalist approach: everything might go
no farther than the Action Plan, and cooperation will continue in the format
of annual target plans. Thus, there are four or five concepts. And now absolutely
anything is possible. Poland is inclined toward the maximum approach,
that is, it wants to see the Ukraine-NATO relationship advance to
the Membership Action Plan level. Some other countries also support our
concept, but all this is under discussion. Everything will depend on the political
realities of this dialog.”
“At all forums our embassy emphasizes the effectiveness and experience
of the Ukrainian force in Iraq. This is a sign that Ukraine has learned a new
philosophy: the peacekeeping philosophy is higher than a simple military
philosophy. The Ukrainian peacekeepers are appraised highly.”
OIL
“As to the first part of your question, I can say for a certainty that negotiations
are underway on the forward operation of the Odesa-Brody pipeline. There
are several options for pumping oil, in particular through Slovakia, the
Czech Republic, or Germany. We want to begin this project by means of delivering
several thousand tons of oil by rail to Southern Poland this May. As
for our means of participation, this is above all our political support for
the project. For example, important talks are underway among the representatives
of the Ukrainian and Polish governments and representatives of
other countries that might join the project. That the dialog among all the
interested parties – Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Ukraine, Slovakia, the Czech
Republic, Poland, Germany, and Russia – is picking up momentum is a persuasive
argument. Already this month a contract could be drafted to create
a joint venture between Ukrtransnafta and Poland’s Pern Concern, which
will be specifically involved in completing the stretch of the pipeline from
Brody to the Polish border and from there to Plock. Another issue is attracting
investors. Neither Ukraine nor Poland wants this project to be funded
from the budget. A business plan must be developed not only for the Odesa-
Brody pipeline, but for the entire project, beginning with deliveries from the
Caspian deposits and ending with the companies at the receiving end. Work
on this is underway. How much faster can it proceed? I can’t answer this
question. I can only say that I’ve just returned from Brody. They are really
waiting for this oil. All the technical equipment is ready.”
“Most probably it will. And it would be only natural for Pern to join such
a consortium. Perhaps there will be other companies and banks. The business
plan is developed to secure loans and find money. Both American and
Kazakh companies could be involved in the consortium. However, now it
is much too early to discuss this, since the consortium will attract partners
depending on the profitability of the project. Now that there is no definitive
business plan it is difficult to say specifically how this work will proceed
and who will join the consortium.”
“There is nothing unusual about such statements. Our conclusions depend
solely on the actions of the Ukrainian side. Thus, it is not up to us to evaluate
the possibilily of back-pumping. Moreover, we are not interested in the reverse
operation of the pipeline neither in theory nor practice. Undoubtedly,
the issue of time is relevant, but your government and president support the decision on the forward operation. The time factor is a matter of months or
half a year. Moreover, very soon it will be possible to pump technical oil
and begin work that is feasible at the current stage. Oil can be transported
by rail. Oil can be also pumped from Brody via the Druzhba pipeline. Currently,
all this is being discussed, and the plans to implement this project by
means of rail transport are feasible.”
COMPETITION AND MONEY
“Last April our government appointed a former state property minister Poland’s
special envoy in Washington. He is working to promote the interests
of Polish companies and establish contacts with American companies that
look for subcontractors to work on reconstruction projects in Iraq. Second,
Poland’s former vice premier Prof. Marek Bielka is chief financial administrator
in the Iraqi Provisional Administration. He forms the Iraqi budget
based on the resources available. Whenever President Kwasniewski met
with President Bush, in particular last January, Poland’s prospects in the
reconstruction effort in Iraq were stressed repeatedly.
“However, the case of the Bumar Company shows that tenders are
tenders. As you may know, the US government announced a tender to select
a supplier of arms for the new Iraqi army under a contract worth half a billion
dollars. Four companies made it to the final stage of the tender. Poland
was certain that our company, Bumar, had a good chance of winning. Yet
an American company, Noor, which does not manufacture weapons but
instead buys them from various suppliers, has been named the successful
bidder. This company bid a much lower price than Bumar. Bumar has filed
a claim in the court of arbitration. As a result, the contract with Noor has
been temporarily suspended. The court will decide whether to allow Noor to
continue supplies under the contract or announce a new tender. Thus, Bumar
still has a chance.”
“Our arbitration procedure is similar to that of the US and Europe. Without
doubt, such procedures should be used.”
“Neither Poles not Ukrainians have any definitive prospects for participation
in the reconstruction of Iraq. We can only be subcontractors of US
companies. Meanwhile, other countries will compete for this right. Of
course, it is not ruled out that our countries could compete in some tender.”
“There is an opinion that after Poland joins the EU, companies unable
to compete in European markets will relocate to Ukraine.”
“It’s hard to say whether more Polish investment will come to Ukraine or
whether it will remain at the current level. Presently Poland invests an annual
$140 million in Ukraine. This is a very high index for Poland. Why do Polish
investors come to Ukraine? Above all because of the cheap labor force. Moreover,
there is a possibility to export goods manufactured in Ukraine to Russia,
Poland, and world markets. Yet, as a rule, potential Polish investors in Ukraine’s
economy already have factories in Russia, France, or even Mexico. They work
on the world market and not only in Ukrainian or Polish markets. Thus, some
investors have told me that the development of investments in Ukraine will
depend more on Ukraine’s export possibilities than work force. Poland entered
the EU market in the early 1990s but began investing in Ukraine only several
years ago. We should ask economists as to what will be better for Polish companies
— to remain on the European market or relocate to Ukraine. Judging
from my discussions with businessmen who work in Ukraine, one cannot say
for a certainty that Polish investment in Ukraine will grow.”
“They complain about the uncertainty of the financial system. The unsolved
problem of VAT rebates affects exporters. Meanwhile, as I have
mentioned, Polish investors come to Ukraine to later export goods manufactured
here. Moreover, they complain about bureaucratic complications. All
economies struggle with red tape, but Ukraine is bogged down in it. It takes
months or even years to obtain all permits to start a business. Polish investors
are forced to open their affiliates here, since there is no other way to start
their business here quickly. Complex customs and certification procedures
also stand in the way. There are several arrangements on mutual recognition
of certificates, but for 80–90 % of goods one has to register certificates,
which significantly complicates trade.”
9B. Read the text (adapted from the article by Serhiy SYROVATKA in
The Day of March 16, 2004), and answer the following question: What
problems of Ukrainians currently working in Russia may the Consular
service deal with?
Barbed Wire on Transparent Border
Various sources point to some 90 % Ukrainians currently working in Russia
as illegal immigrants, meaning they are not officially registered, pay no
taxes, and that these people can hardly expect old-age pensions or anyone
to defend their civil rights — even if some of them are paying into Russia’s
pension fund, for Russia is not likely to pay them in return. At times, respectable
Ukrainians become such illegal immigrants, failing to file for registration
within the legally required three-day timeframe. Ivan KUKHTA,
head of the Ukrainian consulate in Moscow, told The Day about how such
problems are expected to be solved in Ukrainian-Russian relations.
The recent tragedies in Moscow are referred to as acts of terrorism. Are
we to expect the Russian authorities to tighten the screws on the status
of foreign nationals?
KUKHTA: We have no information about any such measures being taken
by the Russian authorities. Such matters are regulated by bilateral Ukrainian-
Russian agreements. There are talks underway to upgrade such agreements,
aimed at softening, rather the toughening the status of Ukrainians
currently in Russia. I think that an agreement providing for simplified border-
crossing and customs-clearance procedures will be signed this summer,
making life easier for people residing in border areas.
Should we expect changes in the legal procedures relating to the registration
of Ukrainians as foreigners in Russia?
KUKHTA: Under the current procedures, a foreigner must register with the
competent Russian authorities within three days from his date of arrival. In
practice, this clause is very difficult for the man in the street to carry out. Russians
arriving in Ukraine have to get registered within ninety days — and
they don’t have to do so if their stay is shorter than ninety days. During our
talks we intend to correct this disproportion. By the way, people visiting
Russia from Belarus can stay there as long as they want. We suggest that the
Russian Federation extend the term of registration for Ukrainians for at least
ninety days. Thus a kind of balance would be achieved.
How has the Russian side responded to the Ukrainian initiative?
KUKHTA: There are expert consultations underway and we can notice a
positive attitude on the Russian side. I think that the matter can be resolved
in Ukraine’s interests. It is no great secret that a large number of Ukrainians
are earning their living in Russia as illegal immigrants.
Do you plan to solve this problem at the international level?
KUKHTA: Matters pertaining to the employment and social protection
of Ukrainians are more complicated, but we are negotiating them
nevertheless. Officially, 94,000 Ukrainian nationals received employment
permits in Russia last year; Russian experts, however, point to some
800,000 Ukrainians working there. My unofficial sources read some million
and a half Ukrainians (I wrote my MA thesis on the subject and had studied
the problem in depth). Ukrainians seek jobs mostly in Moscow, in Moscow
and Tiumen oblasts, as well as in south Russia, where most Ukrainians are
hired as seasonal workers. We understand the Russian government’s position;
we agree that this sphere needs to be legalized. This can be accomplished
only by signing new agreements, as the current ones are no longer
relevant. There is an agreement on temporary employment in the CIS states,
but times are changing. There are no legal clauses on how Ukrainians can
make payments to the Russian pension fund, how they can receive medical
aid, and many other things. A draft agreement on Ukrainian employment
and social protection in Russia is being actively elaborated at the labor
ministries in both countries. It’s a very complicated issue, so it’s too early
to predict the outcome. Here one is confronted with economic problems in
the first place. Ukraine, however, has such an agreement with Portugal and
others are being drafted, involving Italy, France, and other countries. After
signing such an agreement, officials on both sides find it easier to solve issues
such as granting work permits, and illegal employment will no longer
be a pressing issue.
How would this employment agreement help Ukrainians illegally working
in Russia?
KUKHTA: This agreement, if and when signed, will contain clearly defined
employment quotas relating to various industries in need of such
manpower. The interested ministries will study them and submit the relevant
information. Such quotas will be allocated for all regions, so that, say, the
governor of Krasnoyarsk will be prepared to accommodate 200,000 Ukrainian
laborers, meaning that he will also assume full responsibility for their
social protection. In Moscow, this issue has been settled in the transport
domain. The Moscow Transport Department is happy to employ Ukrainians
as trolley drivers — mostly people from Luhansk, Donetsk, Kharkiv, and
Chernihiv oblasts. Now you can seldom find a streetcar or trolley driver
in Moscow who actually comes from Russia. They are paid $500 a month,
something nobody acting in the same capacity can earn in Ukraine. True,
their working conditions are hard, sometimes they have to work 18–20 hours
per shift. But they return home with enough money to buy an apartment in
their respective district centers. By the way, we are negotiating the establishment
of a Russian migration office in Kyiv, in order that our citizens
could get Russian work permits there, so people could receive six-month
employment cards in Kyiv and then go to Russia and work there unmolested
by the authorities.
10. Write a 200-word essay on the work of the Directorate General for
Consular Service.