UNIT 9 THE STRUCTURE OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR EUROPEAN INTEGRATION
1. What do you know about the functions of the Directorate General
for European Integration? What are the functions of the European
Union Department and the Council of Europe Division? What does
the European Union Department do? Who studies and analyses experience
of candidate countries for the EU accession? Who elaborates
proposals relating to conclusion of other international treaties and
international legal docu ments between Ukraine and the European
Union? What is the work of the Council of Europe Division aimed
at? What subdivision works on international legal documents of the
Council of Europe? What subdivision studies the latest news reports
by the world media? What subdivision supports activities of Ukraine’s
official delegations at the bodies of the Council of Europe? What are
the functions of the Department for Political Analysis and Planning,
Department for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation, Department for the UN
and Other International Or ganizations and Department for Armaments
Control and Military Cooperation? What department analyses
current situation in the world, international developments, situation
in crisis spots of the world, and formulates position on issues affecting
Ukraine’s interests? What department has the task of ensuring
Ukraine’s integration to the NATO and OSCE? Who is in charge of
po litical aspects of Ukraine’s activities at the UN? Who protects the
state policy in the field of arms control ?
2. You are going to read a text about the Directorate General for European
Integration. Which of the following concepts can you expect in
thetext? Why or why not?
framework integration Permanent Mis sion European Union dynamics
cooperation elaborate candidate countries partnership accession
initiative experience international treaties consultations expertise
deliberate conformity legal docu ments conventions strategic
promote participation norma tive acts participation relevant
safeguard expedient statutory bodies competence elaborate
think-tank full-fledged official delegations elections expert
crisis spots all-European Armaments Control implementation military
affect Euro-Atlantic Military Cooperation enhancement technical
candidature key issues security system state policy aspect
field executive General Assembly functional body position
3. You are going to read a text about the Directorate General for European
Integration. The names of the Directorate’s structural subdivisions,
ddocuments and positions as well as of some other state and international
agencies have been removed from the article. Choose from
the names (A – S) the one that fits each gap (0 – 19). There is an example
at the beginning (0).
Names of the structural subdivisions and positions
A European Union Department
B Directorate General for European Integration 0
C Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe
D European Union
E Permanent Mis sion of Ukraine to the Council of Europe
F Parliamentary Assembly
G Department for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation
H Partnership and Coopera tion Agreement
I Department for Armaments Control and Military Cooperation
J Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
K Council of Europe
L Committee of Ministers
M Council of Europe Division
N UN General Assembly
N North Atlantic Alliance
O Department for Political Analysis and Planning
P Department for the UN and Other International Or ganizations
Directorate General for European Integration is one of key subdivisions
of the Ministry; its activities are aimed at the implementation
of state policy in the field of European integration. The _________
_______ (0) comprises the European Union department and the Council of
Europe Division. The ________________ (1) analyses results of Ukraine’s
foreign policy activities aimed at its European integration and the dynamics
of its cooperation with the EU. It is here that Ukraine’s position and initiatives
are deliberated in the context of its European integration and proposals
are elaborated to optimize the mecha nisms of implementing the _________
_______ (2) (PCA) between Ukraine and the EU. This subdivision studies
and analyses experience of candidate countries for the EU accession and
holds regular consultations with them. The Department elaborates proposals
relating to conclusion of other international treaties and international legal
docu ments between Ukraine and the ________________ (3). It participates
in carrying out expertise of draft norma tive acts of Ukraine to verify their
conformity with effective Ukrainian legislation concerning Ukraine’s European
integration as a component of its foreign policy. The Department
promotes realization of Ukraine’s international treaties concluded with the
EU, ensures participation in joint Ukrainian-EU bodies and their working
structures in respect of issues within its com petence.
Work of the ________________ (4) is aimed at developing and intensifying
cooperation between Ukraine and the ________________ (5), safeguarding
our state’s interests in main statutory bodies of the Council of Europe,
i.e. the ________________ (6), the ________________ (7), and the ______
__________ (8). The Division also works on international legal documents
of the Council of Europe to find if Ukraine’s participation in them is expedient,
and to ensure domestic implementation of the conventions and agreements
of the Council of Europe to which Ukraine is a party. The Division,
in cooperation with the ________________ (9), carries out work necessary
for supporting activities of Ukraine’s official delegations at the bodies of the
Council of Europe.
The Directorate General consists of the following Departments: ______
__________ (10), ________________ (11), ________________ (12) and
________________ (13).
The Department for Political Analysis and Planning may be described as
the Ministry’s think-tank. It analyses current situation in the world, interna108
tional developments, situation in crisis spots of the world, and formulates
position on issues affecting Ukraine’s interests.
The main purpose of the Department for Euro-Atlantic Integration is ensuring
strategic direc tion of Ukraine’s foreign policy aimed at full-fledged
participation of our state in shaping an all-European security system. Thus,
the main task now facing the Department is ensuring Ukraine’s integration
to the ________________ (14) (NATO), as well as its partici pation in ‘activities
of the ________________ (15) (OSCE).
The Department for the UN and Other In ternational Organizations is in
charge of po litical aspects of Ukraine’s activities at the UN, in particular
within the framework of the ________________ (16). The Department
coordinates issues relating to the preparation and participation of Ukrainian
delega tions in political activities of the UN and other international
organizations. It prepares relevant positional and information materials on
key issues within the UN competence and develops measures for implementation
of political initiatives of our state proclaimed within the framework
of the UN forums. Another important aspect of its work is to promote
the candidature of Ukraine and Ukrainian experts to executive and functional
bodies of the UN and other international organizations, as welt as to
elaborate Ukraine’s position at such elections.
The Department of Arms Control and Mili tary Cooperation safeguards state
policy in the field of arms control, promotes the development and enhancement
of Ukraine’s international cooperation with other states in the military
and military/technical spheres.
4. Go back to exercises 1 and 2. Can you answer the questions now?
5. Find in the text the words meaning:
1. Департамент європейської інтеграції; 2. ключовий підрозділ; 3. ре-
алізацію державної політики; 4. сфера європейської інтеграції; 5. Уп-
равління Європейського Союзу; 6. Відділ Ради Європи; 7. аналіз
результатів зовнішньополітичної діяльності; 8. євроінтеграційний
напрям; 9. динаміка співпраці; 10. обґрунтовувати позицію та ініціа-
тиви України; 11. в контексті європейської інтеграції; 12. розробляти
пропозиції; 13. оптимізація механізмів імплементації; 14. положення Угоди про партнерство і співпрацю; 15. співпраця мїж Україною
та ЄС; 16. вивчати і аналізувати досвід країн-кандидатів на вступ до
ЄС; 17. проводити регулярні консультації; 18. розробляти пропозиції;
щодо укладення міжнародних договорів та документів міжнародно-
правового характеру; 19. брати участь у здійсненні експертизи проек-
тів нормативних актів; 20. експертиза предмет відповідності чинному
законодавству; 21. євроінтеграційна складова зовнішньої політики;
22. сприяти реалізації міжнародних договорів; 23. укладати договір;
24. забезпечувати участь у спільних з ЄС органах; 25. робочі струк-
тури; 26. питання, що належать до будь-чиєї компетенції; 27. роз-
виток і активізація співпраці; 28. забезпечення інтересів держави в
головних статутних органах; 29. Комітет міністрів; 30. Парламент-
ська асамблея; 31. Конгрес місцевих та регіональних влад Європи;
32. опра цьовувати міжнародно-правові документи; 33. доцільність
участі; 34. забезпечення внутрішньо державної імплементації конвен-
цій та угод; 35.Постійне Представництво України при Раді Європи;
36. забезпечувати участь офіційних делегацій України в органах РЄ;
37. Упра вління політичного аналізу та планування (УПАП); 38. Упра-
вління євроатлантичного співробітництва (УЄАС); 39. Управління
ООН та інших міжнародних організацій (УООН); 40. Управління
контролю над озброєннями та військово-технічного співробітництва
(УКО ВТС); 41. мозковий центр; 42. аналізувати ситуацію у світі;
43. перебіг міжнародних процесів; 44. ситуація в кризових точках
планети; 45. формувати позицію; 46. питання, що стосуються інтере-
сів України; 47. забезпечення стратегічного напряму зовнішньої полі-
тики; 48. повномасштабна участь у формуванні загальноєвропейської
системи безпеки; 49. забезпечення інтеграції України до Північноат-
лантичного Альянсу; 50. Організація з безпеки та співробітництва
в Європі (ОБСЄ); 51. забезпечувати політичну сторону діяльності
України в ООН; 52. в рамках Генеральної Асамблеї ООН (ГА ООН);
53. координувати питання; 54. пов’язаний з підготовкою та участю
делегацій України в політичних заходах; 55. по лінії ООН та інших
міжнародних організацій; 56. готувати позиційні та інформаційні ма-
теріали з ключових питань; 57. в компетенції ООН; 58. розробляти
заходи з реалізації політичних ініціатив; 59. важлива складова діяль-
ності; 60. просування кандидатури України та українських експертів
до керівних і функціональних органів ООН; 61. вироблення позиції української сторони на виборах; 62. забезпечувати державну полі-
тику у сфері контролю над озброєннями; 63. сприяти розвитку і по-
глибленню міжнародної співпраці; 64. військовій та військово-технічні
галузі; 65. контролювати виконання Україною своїх забов’язань; 66. в
рамках багатосторонніх угод і домовленостей; 67. питання контролю
над озброєннями; 68. нерозповсюдження зброї масового знищення;
69. реалізовувати заходи експортного контролю; 70. спрямований на;
71. запобігання несанкціонованій передачі зброї; 72. запобігання ви-
робництву товарів і технології подвійного використання; 73. здійсню-
вати заходи, спрямовані на зміцнення довіри і безпеки.
6. Fill in the blanks in the sentences below with the English equivalents
of the words and word-combinations from exercise 5.
1. Directorate General for ____________ Integration is a ____________
subdivision of the Ministry. 2. The work of the Directorate is aimed at the _
___________ of the official policy in European integration. 3. The Directorate
General consists of the European ____________ department and the __
__________ of Europe Division. 4. The EU Department analyses results of
Ukraine’s foreign policy aimed at its European ____________. 5. Ukraine’s
position and initiatives are ____________ in the context of its European
integration. 6. The EU Department ____________ proposals to implement
the Partnership and ____________Agreement (PCA) between Ukraine and
the EU. 7. The EU Department studies experience of candidate countries for
the EU ____________ and has consultations with them. 8. The Department
elaborates proposals relating to ____________ of other international treaties
and international ____________ docu ments. 9. The EU Department carries
out ____________ of draft norma tive acts to check their ____________ with
effective Ukrainian legislation. 10. The Department promotes Ukraine’s
international ____________ concluded with the EU. 11. The EU Department
takes care of Ukrainian ____________ in joint bodies and the EU
____________ structures. 12. The ____________ of Europe Division aims
to develop and intensify cooperation with the Council of Europe, protecting
our interests in main ____________bodies of the Council of Europe, i.e. the
Committee of ____________, the Parliamentary ____________, and the
Congress of Local and Regional ____________ of Europe. 13. The Division
studies ____________documents of the Council of Europe to determine if
Ukraine’s participation in them is ____________. 14. The Division ensures
____________ implementation of the ____________and agreements of the
Council of Europe to which Ukraine is a party. 15. The Division cooperates
with the Permanent ____________of Ukraine to the Council of Europe to
support Ukraine’s official delegations at the ____________of the Council of
Europe. 16. The Directorate General consists of the Department for Political
____________and Planning, Department for Euro-Atlantic ____________,
Department for the UN and Other ____________Or ganizations and Department
for ____________Control and ____________ Cooperation. 17. The
Department for ____________Analysis and Planning is the Ministry’s __
__________. 18. The Department analyses ____________ situation, international
____________, situation in ____________ spots, and formulates
position on issues ____________Ukraine’s interests. 19. The Department
for ____________Integration monitors the strategic direc tion of Ukraine’s
foreign policy aimed at ____________participation in an all-European ____
________ system. 20. The Department’s aim is Ukraine’s ____________ to
the North Atlantic ____________ (NATO), aand its partici pation in the Organization
for ____________ and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). 21. The
Department for the ____________ and Other In ternational Organizations
is responsible for the ____________ aspects of Ukraine’s participation
at the UN, especially in the framework of the UN ____________
Assembly. 22. The Department ____________ the participation of Ukrainian
delega tions in the UN and other ____________organizations. 23. The
Department prepares ____________ and information materials on issues
within the UN competence. 24. The Department takes measures to implement
Ukraine’s political initiatives at the UN forums. 25. The Department
____________ Ukraine and Ukrainian experts to the UN and other international
organizations’ bodies. Department ____________Ukraine’s position
at different elections. 26. The Department of Arms ____________ and
____________ Cooperation safeguards the official policy in the field of __
__________ control. 27. The Department ____________ the development
of Ukraine’s international ____________ in the military and military and
technical fields.
7. Render the following abbreviations into English.
ЄС; УПАП; УЄАС; ООН; УООН; УКО ВТС; НАТО; ОБСЄ; ГА ООН.
8. Work in pairs. Reproduce the texts about the Directorate General for
European Integration to your partner. Use the headlines below as the
backbone for your story.
1. The Directorate General for European Integration: General Background
2. The European Union Department
3. The Council of Europe Division
4. The Department for Political Analysis and Planning
5. The Department for Euro-Atlantic Integration
6. The Department for the UN and Other In ternational Organizations
7. The Department of Arms Control and Mili tary Cooperation
9. Read the texts (adapted from the articles by Viktor ZAMYATIN in
The Day of February 3 and March 16, 2004) and describe the directions,
problems and prospects of Ukraine’s European Integration as
well as the measures which have already been taken and shoul be taken
to reach the aim.
Europe’s First Warning
Last week Ukraine received from Europe its first real warning in recent
years, which augurs major losses for Ukraine. This was in spite of the fact
that negotiations on the Ukraine-EU Action Plan finally began early last
week. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) has
issued a sharply worded resolution on Ukraine followed by a statement from
Ireland on behalf of the EU. Both organizations have voiced concern over
attempts to amend Ukraine’s Constitution half a year before the presidential
elections and questioned the transparency and fairness of presidential elections
under such conditions, calling on the Ukrainian leadership to respect its
own Constitution. PACE has recommended appointing a special envoy for
Ukraine and is considering putting the question of suspending Ukraine’s membership
in the Council of Europe back on the agenda. Ukraine is urged to
react in a positive way to the conclusions of the Venetian Commission of the
Council of Europe on the bills on Constitutional amendments in Ukraine.
Under such conditions one can pass oneself off as a saint all one wants, complain
that Europe does not want to embrace us, accuse European institutions of applying double standards and the opposition of foul play. Yet the country’s
reputation would not have suffered a major blow — self-inflicted for
the most part — if someone had not been “playing with the rules.” Over a
year and a half ago EU High Commissioner for Foreign and Security Policy
Javier Solana called on Kyiv to “play by the rules” and stop “playing with
the rules.” Moreover, the PACE resolution states clearly that in joining the
Council of Europe Ukraine has undertaken certain commitments, which it
should honor. For this reason, the resolution calls the statement by Ukraine’s
Foreign Ministry on “interference in Ukraine’s domestic affairs” by the
PACE Monitoring Committee rapporteurs unfounded and unjustified. Incidentally,
during Kuchma’s second term in office the Ukrainian leadership
has not made similar statements with respect to Russia, even though it has
had ample reason to do so.
Meeting one’s commitments has always been a weak spot for those in power
in Ukraine. Suffice it to recall the prolonged debate with PACE on banning
the death penalty. Recall the arguments put forward by the then Ukrainian
leadership. The question of stripping Ukraine’s delegation of its vote and
suspending Ukraine’s membership in the Council of Europe was raised then,
but apparently this time everything is much more serious. Of the thirty critical
remarks prepared by the Ukrainian delegation only one has been taken
into account. That Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Kostiantyn Hryshchenko —
who planned to attend the Ukrainian-Polish consultations on European Integration
instead — and his first deputy Oleksandr Chaly joined the Ukrainian
delegation did not help matters. The arguments advanced by the majority
representatives and Communists did not particularly impress anyone. Allegations
that the opposition is to blame for obstructing normal work in Verkhovna
Rada fell on deaf ears. Moreover, one clause of the PACE resolution
expresses “disappointment over for the measures to which the opposition
resorted to obstruct the usual work in the parliament.”
One can say for a fact that representatives of the West do not understand or
know the specifics of Ukrainian politics, this being a popular argument in
Kyiv. Yet this is not the reason why Kyiv faces problems where no problems
should have arisen a priori.
The PACE resolution and statement from Ireland on behalf of the EU (also
signed by prospective EU members Serbia and Montenegro, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Norway, and Liechtenstein) not only appear to be timed to
coincide but also express a common view of the problem. This view, to put it bluntly, conveys extreme distrust of the current Ukrainian ruling elite. This
distrust has been accumulating for years, and although the Ukrainian opposition’s
recent appeal to the Council of Europe structures did the trick, it was
more a catalyst than a direct cause of the resolution. What is much worse is
the fact that only sixty deputies attended the PACE session addressing the
so-called Ukrainian question, which could be evidence of Europe’s waning
interest in Ukraine. Worse still, they did not overlook the fact that participants
of the political game in Ukraine have apparently decided to exclude
the Ukrainian people from this game.
At least the signal from the EU is evidence of Europe’s interest in the events
unfolding along its borders. The bottom line of the statement is that any
rapprochement can be discussed only after Ukraine passes a test, which will
certainly not be viewed as Ukraine’s domestic affairs anymore. Understandably,
if Kyiv waited for some signal from the EU then it was definitely
not this kind of signal. This is not and cannot be considered a failure of
Ukraine’s diplomacy. A country’s foreign policy cannot be more successful
than the country’s overall development, and in this case diplomacy becomes
the hostage of domestic affairs. If the diplomats attempt to explain to their
Western partners that Ukraine’s declared course toward NATO and the EU
in fact remains unchanged but this is not happening, then perhaps the problem
is the real orientation of the course itself and the difference between
words and deeds. As a result, the prospects of another wave of international
isolation are not all that unrealistic.
Ukraine cannot afford to miss a step in its dialog with NATO. However,
Ukraine’s hopes of joining the Membership Action Plan can now materialize
perhaps only at the summit following the forthcoming NATO Istanbul
Summit at best. It is unlikely that work on the Ukraine-EU Action Plan will
be suspended, yet the general climate could have been more favorable. The
US will follow events in Ukraine with as much attention as the EU and
Council of Europe. Ukraine’s progress toward both NATO and the WTO
will largely depend on the stand taken by the US. Thus, Ukraine’s losses
could outweigh gains.
That the participants of the political process in Ukraine are urged to solve
their problems peacefully can hardly be seen as evidence of the maturity
and dignity of the state. Ukraine’s chances to be received in the world the
proper way, which have never been very high, will now decrease with each
unsuccessful or incomprehensible step taken in the domestic realm. On the other hand, examples of Slovakia and Croatia suggest that changing political
course at the right time is neither a tragedy, nor an impossible thing to
do, but simply a norm.
Any Grounds for Euro-Optimism?
Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych has announced that Brussels will approve
the Ukraine-European Union Action Plan on May 18. The plan, if
fulfilled, is supposed to result in the establishment of a Ukraine-EU free
trade area and the beginning of talks over signing a European-type agreement
on Ukraine’s associated membership in the EU. As traditional practice
has it, no details have been revealed about the ongoing active negotiations
on the Action Plan. The only information is that the parties have agreed in
principle on a compromise that the document will be valid for two to three
years. As to their specific commitments under the agreement, the consensus
still seems to be far off. The European Commission, which is negotiating
with Ukraine the signing of the Action Plan (EU Commissioner Chris Patten
told The Day it could be signed well before the elections in Ukraine) has just
no mandate to discuss the possibility of Ukraine’s association with, let alone
prospective entry into, the EU.
Yet, Oleksandr Chaly, First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, is full of
optimism. In his words, the EU is already aware that as soon as the ten-year
Agreement on Partnership and Cooperation between Ukraine and the EU,
signed in 1994 and brought into force in 1998, expires, it should be replaced
with an entirely different legally binding document. He believes that even
now there is an understanding between both sides (Ukraine and the EU) that
they will not extend the existing agreement. As to the new budget the EU is
working on, the adoption of it may be preceded with establishment of new
relations with Ukraine. The point is there is no consensus in the EU about
the essence of these new relations. While Ukraine is and will be supported
by the new EU members — Poland, Lithuania, and Hungary — and some
of the old ones, such as Austria and Britain, most of the other EU member
states show pessimism over the Ukraine’s immediate prospects. Nobody
hides any longer that this is connected not in the least with the development
of the political situation in Ukraine, especially the presidential elections,
although official EU structures and representatives of the EU member
states keep reiterating that all they care about is a democratic, fair, and open
election. According to deputy minister Chaly, it would be realistic to start
negotiating a new EU agreement (other than the Action Plan) as soon as in
2006. It does not matter whether the document’s title will include the word
association. What really matters is Ukraine’s aspiration to follow the way
of its neighbors.
On this road, Ukraine must solve several fundamental problems which are
still the subject of a tough dialogue. It is impossible to establish an area of
free trade with the EU unless Ukraine is granted market economy status
and joins the World Trade Organization. In spite of Prime Minister Yanukovych’s
optimistic statements, there are no visible signs of progress in
this issue. There are more than one reason for this. For example, the latest
session of Verkhovna Rada’s Committee for European Integration noted
that one of the obstacles on this road is the current export duty, thirty euros
per ton, on scrap metal defended by the pro-governmental parliamentary
majority. Another factor is the likely introduction of an automobile import
duty (the law passed has not yet come into force).
According to Borys Tarasiuk, chairman of the parliamentary Committee for
European Integration, the cabinet has submitted to Verkhovna Rada eleven
bills whose provisions run counter to European legislative norms and WTO
requirements. There are other problems as well. Mr. Chaly defines as “extremely
difficult” the ongoing dialog on liberalizing the Ukraine-EU visa
regime, including the problem of transferring Ukraine from the “black” into
the “white” list of the Schengen zone. Ukraine is still waiting for an answer
to the unilateral lifting of visa requirements for bearers of diplomatic and
special purpose passports.
Meanwhile, the Expanded Europe-New Neighborhood concept, the basis of
the EU’s current dialog with Ukraine, provides for extending the four fundamental
EU freedoms – cross-border movement of people, goods, capitals,
and services – to the “neighbors”. Incidentally, the EU has already begun
talks with Russia on this subject.
Diplomats from the current and prospective EU members states still fail to
understand how Ukraine’s pro-European declarations fit in with its intention
to form the Single Economic Space with Russia, Kazakhstan, and Belarus,
despite government assurances that this “space” will be just a complement
to the Europe-bound course. Most analysts and diplomats privately admit
that Ukraine has already lost any chance to qualitatively improve its relations
with the EU this year due to the domestic situation, especially on the
eve of the elections, and the expansion-related problems of the EU itself.
As the parliamentary committee’s session confirmed, short-term losses due
to EU enlargement are still on the agenda: the Cabinet estimates these at
$250-350 million. The EU refuses to discuss this subject, and it is up to the
Ukrainians themselves how to go out of this situation.
INCIDENTALLY
The European Parliament is calling upon the Ukrainian government to conduct
transparent and democratic presidential elections in October this year,
respect the freedom of speech, take continuous and effective measures to
prevent and punish interference in the work of free and independent mass
media. This is the gist of the resolution on the political situation in Ukraine
voted for by 59 European Parliament members. The document notes, among
other things, that the Expanded Europe-New Neighborhood concept recognizes
the importance of Ukraine as a country that maintains close historical,
cultural, and economic ties with the EU member states. The resolution
points out that this document is based on the Action Plan to be drafted by the
European Commission in the spring of 2004 and to include proposals aimed
at supporting the political and institutional reforms which will allow Ukraine
to be gradually joining EU policies and programs. The European Parliament
called upon the Council of Europe and the European Commission to closely
watch the situation in Ukraine, monitor the October presidential elections,
and support the OSCE’s integrative efforts. This resolution will be handed
to the Council of Europe, the European
10. Write a 300-word essay on the Directorate General for European Integration,
the content of its work and the functions of its subdivisions.