UNIT 7 BASICS OF UKRAINE’S FOREIGN POLICY
1A. What are the fundamental national legal documents which regulate
Ukraine’s foreign policy?
1B. Who is in charge of the foreign policy of Ukraine? Who represents
Ukraine in international negotiations? Who concludes international treaties?
Who makes decisions on recognition of foreign states? Who assigns
and dismisses heads of diplomatic missions of Ukraine? Who accepts
credentials of diplomatic representatives of foreign states in Ukraine?
1C. What is the central executive authority that that conducts the foreign
policy of Ukraine? What are the main tasks of the Ministry for
Foreign Affairs of Ukraine? What is Ukraine’s strategic course in international
relations?
1D. What executive authority conducts negotiations with EU and
NATO? Who coordinates the participation of other executive authorities
in this process? Who assists in in adapting Ukrainian legislation to
the EU standards? What is Ukraine’s policy as regards the neighbouring
states? What is a frozen conflict? What is Ukraine’s policy to the frozen
conflicts on the territory of the former USSR? What is Ukraine’s policy
towards the participation in the international peace keeping operations?
2. You are going to read four short texts on the basics of Ukrainian foreign
policy. Which of the following concepts can you expect in thetext?
Why or why not?
legal succession regulate powers coordination reliable
legal documents concept be in charge support predictable
foreign affairs Decree del egated national interests partner
Basic Directions stability negotiations cooperation authority
diplomatic mission represent Constitution beneficial favorable
national security measure recognition peaceful independence
Military Doctrine assign legal entity community sovereignty
Law of Ukraine accept citizen maintain self-dependence
Diplomatic Service dismiss promotion peacekeeping territorial in tegrity
international treaties image credentials external relations protection
executive authorities treaty Regu lation Con sular Statute effective legisla tion
international law economic integration strategic course rights and interests
partnership social monitor adapt national legislation
settlement regional interregional unprejudiced consistent
frozen conflicts friendly participant significant role interna tional
activities
3. You are going to read four short texts on the basics of Ukrainian foreign
policy. For questions 1–20 choose from texts A-D. The texts may be
chosen more than once. When more than one answer is required, they
may be given in any order. There is an example at the beginning (0).
Which of the texts (A-D) mentions or describes:
A B C D
Basic directions of Ukraine’s foreign policy 0 •
The central executive author ity that conducts the foreign policy
of Ukraine
Acceptance of credentials of diplomatic representatives of
foreign states
The con sular statute of Ukraine 3
Monitoring the issues of Ukraine’s integration to EU and NATO 4
The dismissal of Ukrainian diplomatic missions heads 5
The program of integration of Ukraine into the Eu ropean Union 6
The Military Doctrine of Ukraine 7
The importance of regional and interregional cooperation 8
The issues related to the settlement of frozen conflicts 9
The issues related to the recognition of foreign states 10
The issues of the legal succession of Ukraine 11
The issues of the promotion of ties with Ukrainian communities
abroad
The issues related to Ukraine’s image as a reliable and
predictable partner
Adaptation of Ukraine’s legislation to the European standards 14
The issues related to interna tional peacekeeping activities 15
The issues related to the preservation of the territorial in tegrity
of Ukraine
The coordination of execu tive authorities’ actions in Ukraine’s
foreign policy
17
The representation of Ukraine in inter national relations 18
The issues related to the international treaties of Ukraine 19
Peaceful and beneficial cooperation with other countries 20
A
Ukraine’s foreign policy is regulated by the following fundamental national
legal documents:
• Constitution of Ukraine dated 28 June 1996
• Basic Directions of Ukraine’s Foreign Policy dated 2 July 1993
• Concept (the Fundamentals of State Policy) of National Security of
Ukraine dated 16 Janu ary 1997
• Military Doctrine of Ukraine dated 19 October 1993
• Law of Ukraine “On Diplomatic Service of Ukraine” dated 20 September
2001
• Law of Ukraine “On International Treaties of Ukraine” dated 22 December
1993
• Law of Ukraine “On Legal Succession of Ukraine” dated 12 September
1991
• Law of Ukraine “On Participation of Ukraine in International Peacekeeping
Operations” dated 23 April 1999
• Decree of the President of Ukraine “On Regu lations about the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine” dated 3 April 1999
• Decree of the President of Ukraine No.841/ 96 “On Measures to improve
Coordination of Actions of Executive Authorities in the Field of
External Relations” dated 18 September 1996
• Decree of the President of Ukraine “On Con sular Statute of Ukraine”
dated 2 April 1994
• Order of the President of Ukraine “On Regu lations about Diplomatic
Mission of Ukraine Abroad” dated 22 October 1992
B
According to Article 106 of the Constitution of Ukraine, the President of
Ukraine is in charge of the foreign policy of Ukraine, he represents the
country in inter national relations, conducts negotiations and con cludes
international treaties [of Ukraine], makes de cisions on recognition of foreign
states, assigns and dismisses heads of diplomatic missions of Ukraine
to foreign states and international organizations, and accepts credentials
of diplomatic representatives of foreign states.
C
According to the Decree of the President of Ukraine “On Regulations
about the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine” dated 3 April 1999, “the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine is a central executive author ity of
Ukraine that conducts foreign policy of the state and coordinates the activities
in the field of external relations in accordance with powers del egated to
it”. The main tasks of the Ministry of For eign Affairs of Ukraine are:
• participation in securing national interests and ensuring security of
Ukraine through maintaining peaceful and mutually beneficial cooperation
with the members of international community;
• promoting stability of Ukraine’s international position, raising its international
authority, spreading throughout the world Ukraine’s image as a
reliable and predictable partner;
• creation of favorable external conditions for strengthening independence,
state sovereignty, eco nomic self-dependence and preserving territorial
in tegrity of Ukraine;
• ensuring integrity and coordination of Ukraine’s foreign policy according
to the delegated powers;
• protection of rights and interests of citizens and legal entities of Ukraine
abroad; promotion of ties with Ukrainian communities abroad and provision
of support and protection for such communities according to international
law and effective legisla tion of Ukraine.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine is implementing Ukraine’s
strategic course towards Eu ropean and Euro-Atlantic integration and is
guided by the following documents:
• Program for Ukraine’s Integration to the Eu ropean Union (approved by
the Decree of the Presi dent of Ukraine of 14 September 2000)
• Address by the President of Ukraine to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine
of 18 June 2002 “Euro pean Choice. Conceptual Grounds of the Strategy
of Social and Economic Development of Ukraine for 2002–2011”;
• Ukraine’s Strategy as regards the Northern Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) (approved by the Decree of the President of Ukraine of 8 July
2002).
D
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs ensures the negotiat ing process with the
EU and NATO structures, it also monitors and reacts to all sensible issues
of Ukraine’s integration to the European Union and the North Atlantic
Alliance, coordinates participation of execu tive authorities in this process,
provides assistance in adapting the national legislation to the EU
standards and actively cooperates with the EU in consular and political/
security spheres.
Ukraine attaches paramount importance to building friendly relations and
partnership with neighboring states and the development of regional and
interregional cooperation. Ukraine is an unprejudiced and consistent participant
in the settlement of the so-called frozen conflicts (Transdniestrian
and Georgian/Abkhazian); it also plays a significant role in interna tional
peacekeeping activities.
4. Go back to exercises 1A, 1B, 1C, 1D. Can you answer the questions now?
5. Find in the text the words meaning:
А. 1. Зовнішньополітична діяльність; 2. засадничі нормативно-правові
акти; 3. основи державної політики; 4. концепція національної безпе-
ки; 5. основні напрями зовнішньої політики; 6. воєнна доктрина; 7. ди-
пломатична служба; 8. міжнародні договори; 9. Правонаступництво;
10. міжнародні миротворчі операції; 11. указ Президента; 12. Поло-
ження про Міністерство закордонних справ; 13. заходи щодо вдоскона-
лення; 14. координація діяльності органів виконавчої влади; 15. сфера
зовнішніх зносин; 16. консульський статут; 17. розпорядження Прези-
дента; 18. дипломатичне представництво за кордоном.
Б. 1. Згідно зі статтею 106 Конституції; 2. здійснювати керівництво
зовнішньополітичною діяльністю держави; 3. представляти країну в
міжнародних відносинах; 4. вести переговори; 5. укладати міжнародні
договори; 6. приймати рішення про визнання іноземних держав; 7. при-
значати та звільняти глав дипломатичних представництв; 8. приймати
вірчі грамоти дипломатичних представників іноземних держав.
С. 1. Центральний орган виконавчої влади; 2. відповідно до наданих
повноважень; 3. проводити зовнішню політику держави; 4.коорди-
нувати діяльність у сфері зовнішніх зносин; 5. участь у забезпеченні
національних інтересів і безпеки країни; 6. підтримання мирного і
взаємовигідного співробітництва з членами міжнародного співтовари-
ства; 7. сприяння забезпеченню стабільності міжнародного становища
України; 8. піднесення міжнародного авторитету; 9. поширення у світі
образу України як надійного і передбачуваного партнера; 10. створен-
ня сприятливих зовнішніх умов для зміцнення незалежності України;
11. державний суверенітет; 12. економічна самостійність; 13. збере-
ження територіальної цілісності; 14. відповідно до наданих повнова-
жень; 15. забезпечення цілісності та узгодженості зовнішньополітич-
ного курсу України; 16. захист прав та інтересів громадян і юридичних
осіб України за кордоном; 17. сприяння розвиткові зв’язків із зарубіж-
ними українськими громадами; 18. надання українським громадам під-
тримки і захисту; 19. відповідно до норм міжнародного права; 20. від-
повідно до чинного законодавства України; 21. визначений керівни-
цтвом України; 22. втілювати стратегічний курс; 23. курс України на
європейську і євроатлантичну інтеграцію; 24. керуватися програмою;
25. Програма інтеграції України до Європейського Союзу; 26. затвер-
джувати указом Президента; 27. Послання Президента до Верховної
Ради; 28. Європейський вибір; 29. концептуальні засади; 30. стратегії
економічного та соціального розвитку України; 31. стратегія України
щодо Організації Північноатлантичного договору (НАТО).
D. 1. забезпечувати переговорний процес зі структурами ЄС і НАТО;
2. відстежувати і реагувати на всі чутливі питання інтеграції України
до ЄС і НАТО; 3. координує участь у цьому процесі органів виконав-
чої влади; 4. адаптація національного законодавства до норм ЄС; 5. ак-
тивно взаємодіяти з ЄС у консульській та політико-безпековій сферах;
6. надавати особливого значення; 7. розбудова дружніх і партнерських
відносин з сусідніми країнами; 8. розвиток регіональної і міжрегіональної співпраці; 9. неупереджений і послідовний; 10. врегулювання
заморожених конфліктів; 11. відігравати помітну роль; 12. міжнародна
миротворча діяльність.
6. Fill in the blanks in the sentences below with the English equivalents
of the words and word-combinations from exercise 5.
A. 1. Ukraine’s foreign policy is _________ by a number of _________national
legal documents, the most important among which being the ______
___ of Ukraine; Basic _________of Ukraine’s Foreign Policy; Concept (the
_________of State Policy) of National Security of Ukraine; Military _____
____ of Ukraine; Law of Ukraine “On Diplomatic _________ of Ukraine”;
Law of Ukraine “On International _________of Ukraine”; Law of Ukraine
“On Legal _________of Ukraine”; Law of Ukraine “On Participation of
Ukraine in International _________Operations”; Decree of the ________
_of Ukraine “On Regu lations about the Ministry of Foreign _________ of
Ukraine”; _________ of the President of Ukraine No.841/ 96 “On Measures
to Improve _________of Actions of Executive Authorities in the Field of
_________Relations”; Decree of the President of _________ “On Con sular
_________of Ukraine”; •Order of the President of Ukraine “On Regu lations
about Diplomatic Mission of Ukraine Abroad”.
B. 1. _________ to Article 106 of the _________ of Ukraine, the ________
_of Ukraine is in _________of the foreign policy of Ukraine, he represents
the country in _________relations, conducts _________ and con cludes international
_________, makes de cisions on recognition of _________states,
assigns and _________heads of diplomatic missions of Ukraine to foreign
states and _________organizations, and accepts _________of diplomatic
representatives of foreign _________.
C. 1. Following the _________of the President of Ukraine “On _________
about the Ministry of _________Affairs of Ukraine”, the _________ of Foreign
Affairs of Ukraine is a central _________author ity of Ukraine that ___
______ foreign policy of the state and _________the activities in the field of
external _________in accordance with powers _________ to it. The main
_________ of the Ministry of For eign Affairs of Ukraine are: participation
in _________national interests and _________security of Ukraine through
maintaining peaceful and mutually _________cooperation with the members
of international _________; promoting _________ of Ukraine’s international
position, raising its international _________, spreading throughout the world Ukraine’s image as a reliable and _________ partner; creation of favorable
_________conditions for strengthening _________, state _________,
eco nomic self _________ and preserving territorial _________of Ukraine;
ensuring integrity and coordination of Ukraine’s _________policy according
to the delegated _________; protection of rights and _________of citizens
and legal _________ of Ukraine abroad; promotion of ties with Ukrainian
_________ abroad and provi sion of support and _________for such communities
according to _________law and effective _________of Ukraine”.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine is _________Ukraine’s strategic
_________towards Eu ropean and Euro-Atlantic _________ and is guided by
the following documents:Program for Ukraine’s _________to the Eu ropean
Union (_________by the _________of the Presi dent of Ukraine of 14 September
2000); Address by the _________of Ukraine to the _________ Rada
of Ukraine of 18 June 2002: Euro pean Choice. Conceptual _________of the
Strategy of Social and _________Development of Ukraine for 2002–2011;
Ukraine’s _________as regards the Northern Atlantic _________Organization
(approved by the Decree of the President of _________ of 8 July 2002).
D. The _________ of Foreign Affairs ensures _________ with EU and
NATO, it also _________ and reacts to all _________ issues of Ukraine’s
integration to the European Union and the North Atlantic _________, coordinates
participation of _________ authorities in this process, assists in
_________ the national legislation to the European _________ and actively
cooperates with international bodies in _________ and political/security
spheres. Ukraine _________ great importance to building _________ relations
and partnership with neighboring _________ and the development of
regional and _________ cooperation. Ukraine is an _________ and consistent
participant in the settlement of _________ conflicts; it also plays a
significant _________ in interna tional _________ activities.
7. Render the following names and realia into English.
1. Конституція України; Основні напрями зовнішньої політики Укра-
їни; Концепція (основи державної політики) національної безпеки
України; Воєнна доктрина України; Закон України “Про дипломатичну
службу України”; Закон України “Про міжнародні договори України”;
Закон України “Про правонаступництво України”; Закон України “Про
участь України в міжнародних миротворчих операціях”; Указ Прези-
дента України “Про Положення про Міністерство закордонних справ України”; Указ Президента N 841/96 “Про заходи щодо вдосконалення
координації діяльності органів виконавчої влади у сфері зовнішніх зно-
син”; Указ Президента України “Про Консульський Статут України”;
Розпорядження Президента України “Про дипломатичне представни-
цтво України за кордоном”; Програма інтеграції України до Європей-
ського Союзу (затверджена Указом Президента України); Послання
Президента до Верховної Ради від 18 червня 2002 р. “Європейський
вибір. Концептуальні засади стратегії економічного та соціального роз-
витку України на 2002–2011 роки”; Стратегія України щодо Організації
Північноатлантичного договору (НАТО) затверджена Указом Прези-
дента України; Європейський Союз (ЄС); Північноатлантичний Альянс
(НАТО); Придністровський конфлікт; грузино-абхазький конфлікт.
8. Work in pairs. Reproduce the texts on the basics of Ukrainian foreign
policy to your partner. Use the headlines below as the backbone
for your story.
A. The fundamental national legal documents which regulate Ukraine’s
foreign policy
1. Basic Law
2. Conceptual Documents (3)
3. Laws of Ukraine (4)
4. Decrees of the President of Ukraine (3)
5. Order of the President of Ukraine
B. Presidential Responsibilities
C. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine
1. The main tasks (5)
• participation
• promoting, raising and spreading
• creation and preserving
• ensuring and coordination
• protection, promotion and provision
2. The main documents Ukraine’s integration into EU and NATO is based
upon (3)
• Program
• Address
• Strategy
D. The main functions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine
9. Read the intervew with the Foreign Minister of Ukraine Kostiantyn
Hryshchenko (adapted from the intervew by Oleh IVANTSOV and
Serhiy SOLODKY in The Day of December 23, 2004) and answer the
following questions: How would Saddam’s arrest affect the process of
postwar political and legal settlement in Iraq? When could one expect
contracts on Ukraine’s participation in rebuilding Iraq? Was the
decision of dispatching the Ukrainian peacekeeping contingent to Iraq
justifiable? What should Ukraine do to make the NATO Membership
Action Plan look more realistic at the Istanbul summit? Can the predicted
increase in anti-NATO public sentiment in Ukraine faced with the
presidential campaign impede the NATO integration process and affect
the campaign? How should Ukraine respond to Tuzla-like approaches?
Is there a possibility of changing Ukraine’s habitual defensive stance?
What is the status of the Azov-Kerch delimitation talks? Is there any progress
in understanding between the negotiating parties in these talks?
What are the SES prospects? Could Ukraine go further than the free
trade area? What kind of Russia will we say goodbye to at the end of
The Year of Russia and what will we see next year? Does Ukraine have
the domestic political prerequisites to implement consistency as the first
and foremost foreign political rule? Comment on the Ukrainian president’s
recent edict On Measures to Increase the Efficiency of the Nation’s
Foreign Political Endeavors?
Reading notes
The passing year has been very tense for Ukraine in terms of foreign policy;
it has also yielded tangible results. Next year may well prove even more
complicated. Official Kyiv, while obviously banking on strong personalities,
appears capable of coming up with initiatives and taking effective steps.
Among such strong personalities one ought to mention Foreign Minister
Kostiantyn Hryshchenko. The Tuzla crisis and SES controversy were his
baptism of fire, reaffirming the newly appointed minister’s professional reputation.
Although it would be premature to say that his domestic and foreign
policy trials are history. Below Mr. Hryshchenko answers The Day’s questions
addressing the rules and principles of the foreign policy game.
Basing on his recent visit to Iraq, Foreign Minister thinks Saddam’s arrest
will serve to ease tensions and that it could happen quite soon, but will have long-term consequences. It will add to that country’s stability and improve
the situation in terms of security. Those engineering acts of terrorism in Iraq
may have subconsciously expected Saddam’s return to power. In addition,
no one knew whether he was actually in command of those acts that were
carried out on a regular basis. The dictator’s being at large was an actual threat
factor. Therefore, Foreign Minister believes that Saddam’s arrest could
help assert stability in Iraq.
There are several levels of financing postwar Iraqi reconstruction. The first,
the immediate one, consists in what is being paid by the US government
to rebuild the Iraqi infrastructure, strengthen its security and educational
system. Contracts in that domain will be awarded primarily to countries directly
involved in the Iraqi stabilization process. In other words, owing to
our peacekeeping presence in that country, Ukraine has a real opportunity
to take part in postwar Iraqi reconstruction. Otherwise this matter would
not be discussed at all. At this first level, US companies will have priority,
of course. This is in keeping with US legislation, and is only natural, for
payments are being made from the US federal budget. Ukraine had from the
outset meant to win subcontracts, so we could take part in large projects. All
this will be done in accordance with US and internationally recognized standards:
holding tenders where the bidders have to conform to certain international
requirements. We must prove that we have the needed experience,
and we must present business projects in line with a more comprehensive
program. Moreover, companies taking part in the competition will have to
offer price and reliability guarantees. We don’t have many such companies
in Ukraine, but enough to prove they can operate in Iraq and show an adequate
performance. Some of their executives accompanied Foreign Minister
on his trip to Iraq. They represented business entities actually capable of adequately
performing at that level, having sufficient resources and international
experience, so their presence in Iraq would not be a matter of formality,
but an opportunity to win such contracts and proceed to cooperate.
However, the biggest obstacle today is the situation in Baghdad and in most
other Iraqi regions – security. Returning to your question concerning Saddam’s
arrest, Foreign Minister would like to point out that, yes, we expect
the situation to improve considerably, so we will be able to dispatch our civilian
experts on a more or less acceptable risk basis. Such people would, of
course, be aware of the risks involved and would be free to accept or reject
such missions. So far we don’t have this balance. No one is going to dispat88
ch experts to face unpredictable risks. This won’t be done by the Ukrainian
government or by any Ukrainian companies. After all, who would be willing
to put his life on the line in a situation like this?
The next level of cooperation with Iraq is not only US spending, but also
what we know as credit resources. In the initial phase this could mean the involvement
of international financial institutions, including the World Bank,
commercial banks, and a possible consortium. Iraqi needs are immense,
they cannot be ignored. Here the task of the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry is
in assisting all possible business associates with comprehending the risks
involved, assessing their capacities, and figuring out what should be done in
the first place to meet certain standards; also helping those with the required
potential, infrastructure, political will as well as endurance, so they can win
the competition and assert their lasting presence on the Iraqi market.
Foreign Minister thinks that we must always assess the risks involved and
how all this can serve our national interests – and this is something that
can’t be measured in terms of only tangible assets. After toppling Saddam’s
regime, it became clear that urgent steps had to me taken to rebuild that
country, not only financially, but also in terms of security and stability. That
task could be carried out only by concerted action on the part of the international
community of nations, by a broad coalition. One could become a
security consumer, but then one’s country would not be seriously considered
by anyone in the international arena; in that case one’s country would become
a target of someone else’ bargaining; it would remain a territory but no
longer a real player as an entity of international relations; it would become
simply fictitious. In this context, our participation in peacekeeping missions
elsewhere in the world is the most significant signal to our partners (wherever
they are, in the East or West); we have our potential and can put it to
the best use; we can operate on a par with those having great potentials; we
have sufficient resources to keep pace with those we consider our true friends.
We demonstrated all this at a very complicated period. We succeeded
in demonstrating to the Americans, British, and Poles, to all those having to
cope with Iraq’s daily problems, that our contingent in Iraq is manned by
true professionals capable of carrying out not only military, but also other,
far more complex; that we are well prepared and equipped to meet most threatening
challenges. Our military intelligence in Iraq timely warned against
a number of complicated situations. We are being reckoned with and duly
respected. Foreign Minister met with the interim civilian authorities and he89
ard words of genuine appreciation about our peacekeepers. The sector under
our control is marked by law and order, as well as by carefully balanced
approaches to the local situation. I am personally convinced that this is what
makes the Ukrainian responsibility sector in Wasit province register the smallest
number of dangerous outbursts.
Foreign Minister thinks that Ukraine have been taking a number of important
steps in the direction of making the NATO Membership Action Plan look
more realistic at the Istanbul summit. The recent Ukraine-NATO Commission
meetings at the foreign and defense minister level showed that there
was a clear vision of this ultimate goal and are prepared to achieve it. We
simply have to comply with the existing schedules. We must be consistent.
We cannot afford to make any deviations from such plans as we may have
set for ourselves, for the sake of politics. And this concerns the military as
well as other realms. If we act the right way, I think we’ll be able to get the
ball running and transfer to a higher level of relations with NATO. Foreign
Minister would say that the fact of our presence in Kosovo, our courage and
farsightedness when deciding to dispatch a peacekeeping contingent to Iraq
have played a very important role with regard to Ukraine’s Euro- Atlantic
and European integration prospects. This attitude served as a signal telling
our partners that we are prepared to measure up to their standards; that we
can do more than just declare our being prepared to act shoulder to shoulder
with them. Some might regard this decision as not too complicated, yet assuming
responsibility for security and stability in another country’s province
– in this case Iraq, with its fifteen provinces – could be shouldered by few
other countries.
Foreign Minister believes that long-term national interests and Ukraine’s
overall foreign policy should be kept separate from any tactical planning, in
the context of presidential, parliamentary, or any other political campaigns,
as some political forces or other would always be eager to use them for their
own purposes in trying to gain more votes. Such campaigns in Europe and
North America are known to have shown steps being taken contrary to logic
and common sense. It is also true that those coming to power would seldom
try to make their campaign mottos come true. Being in power always
requires an acute awareness of one’s personal responsibility. All political
forces displaying a responsible attitude to Ukraine’s future cannot deny the
validity of its current European choice. A closer look at Ukrainian history,
as well as the current political realities considered worldwide shows that the global process affects the destinies of states and those of every individual
in those countries; it is time we realized that we have no alternative. This
does not mean that we have to bang our heads on closed doors. We should
seek opportunities to serve our interests precisely where we feel these interests
could be served, where we could expect to be rewarded for our efforts.
However, the main guidelines have been outlined by the president and
Verkhovna Rada. They are accepted by all those genuinely concerned about
the future of this country; they are accepted by the younger generation. Our
young people agree that their future is in Europe. They know that the kind
of living standard they can achieve will determine the degree to which they
will be able to implement their individual selves. We know where the living
standard is not just higher, but where it answers our Ukrainian spirit.
Any country should adopt a consistent and selfч confident foreign policy
course, showing that its actions served its own interests as well as those
of its neighbors or partners. It is necessary to establish a line of conduct
and then unswervingly adhere to it, proving one’s stand to one’s partners,
using substantial arguments, appealing to common sense and international
experience; if need be – and I would like to stress the same consequence
– even by turning to international institutions. The latter should be asked
for assistance only when the situation actually demands this, not when one’s
feelings are hurt, the more so when the situation needs to be figured out first.
Given these prerequisites, Foreign Minister believes that we will always
be in a position to defend our interests. But if we prove inconsistent, if we
respond to external challenges, acting on the spur of the moment rather than
sober contemplation (and it’s true that there may develop situations hard to
understand at first), we will betray our weakness, vulnerability, inability to
adequately respond to challenges. In our case, Foreign Minister thinks, we
have demonstrated precisely the right kind of consistent approach.
There is a degree of rapprochement in the Azov-Kerch delimitation talks,
yet there is a certain distance to be covered between rapprochement and
understanding. I wouldn’t want to repeat the principles the Ukrainian side
adheres to. We are prepared to look for balanced solutions to certain problems,
in a way that would not hinder Ukrainian interests and would meet the
vital needs of the people on both banks of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch
Strait. There is still a very considerable amount of things to be done, but there
is also the desire of both sides to make headway. This desire is not always
made public – and with reason, for steering a middle course is something
few rallies would able to achieve.
Concerning SES, a decision has been made and we have a document. This
document must be implemented, but only within the limits it contains. We
made our attitude clear from the outset; we want the SES idea to be made a
reality with the emphasis on a free trade area, so our partners’ markets provide
the best possible access for Ukrainian goods. After that we could move to
further integration stages, depending on how well the first one performs. It
is of principal importance for us to see just how far our partners are prepared
to go in that direction.
We must first pass the initial phase. We must understand precisely how far
we can get there, so we can figure out our next steps. Let me remind you that
SES is a framework agreement, meaning that its implementation calls for
making dozens of other specific agreements. Experts are working on this,
but the issue cannot be left unnoticed by the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry.
As far as The Year of Russia is concerned, we are not bidding goodbye to
Russia. We know that country the way it is. It remains our closest neighbor,
with its immense potentialities and its interest in Ukraine. It can still lend
us a hand in difficult situations, as was the case with the grain crisis, when
Russia promptly came to our rescue. On the other hand, we must continue
studying Russia; we should not be afraid of that country, we should establish
relations so we could really understand each other and remain true
friends. We must build these relationships not on a subservient basis, but
proceeding from the obvious fact that we will have to coexist as [equal]
states, being divided by borders but not by a solid wall. Russia is a country
whose problems will concern our posterity, so we must work to make this
legacy less burdensome.
As for the Ukrainian president’s recent edict On Measures to Increase the
Efficiency of the Nation’s Foreign Political Endeavors, it’s an edict, duly issued
and signed by the Head of State. It must be implemented. On the other
hand, the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry reserves the right – in fact, it is its
duty – to submit its own proposals to the president, aimed at upgrading such
foreign policy efforts.
10. Write a 300-word essay on the basics of Ukraine’s foreign policy.